日本政争与法西斯之路 - 小众知识

日本政争与法西斯之路

2013年01月27日 14:18:05 苏内容
  标签: 法西斯/日本
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  ——读《高宗武回忆录》
  对于中日战争的爆发,以往人们仅仅把日本国内政局视作铁板一块,然后得出所谓侵华乃必然行为,所谓“日帝国主义忘我之心不死”。对于这段历史作如此解释是非常有问题的,真实的历史图景并非那么简单,日本国内政坛政争可谓波诡云谲,斗争相当激烈,战争的爆发其实是日本国内政局的走向与中国对日政策的回应相互作用的结果。高宗武在其回忆录中就向我们详细介绍了当时的日本政局变动的景况,作为一个“日本通”,高宗武不仅曾在日本留学,日语说的非常地道,加之外表装束及行为举止,都相当的日本化,以致日本人都把他误认为自己人。高宗武曾先后担任国民政府外交部亚洲司司长等职,专门负责国民政府对日交涉,由于部门和职务的特殊性,其与日本高层政治人物有过频繁地接触,加之其自身的先天优势,所以他对日本政治有着极为深刻的见解,透过其回忆录,我们能够了解日本法西斯崛起过程及中日战争的原由。
  在佩里将军到来之前,日本在幕府统治下实行闭关锁国的对外政策,天皇权力被架空,仅为一个“象征”,而实际政治大权则操控于日本最大的地方势力——德川家族手中达两个多世纪之久,佩里舰队的到来,“闭关锁国”政策在美国要求开放的压力之下再也无法继续维续,幕府在应对西方的挑战时的孱弱表现给自身带来统治危机,加之幕府统治本身缺乏正当的合法性来源,不过是由势力所塑造的暂时平衡,是故,对幕府不满的势力日渐积聚,最终推翻了德川家族的统治,还政天皇,亦即“王政复古”。地方藩主因在推翻幕府统治中表现有功,其依旧保有极大的权力,其中两支地方势力尤其强大:长州藩和萨摩藩,天皇的权力仍然有限。
  “王政复古”后,新登基的明治天皇极有政治抱负,力图扭转日本国力孱弱的局面,于是在其主导下开启了为日后日本强盛奠下根基的“明治维新”运动。在维新运动中,加强军事建设成为重点,日本不断派人出国考察,学习西方强国的先进的军事制度,并聘请外国军官指导日本建立现代化的陆军。1868年,日本第一个海军训练中心成立,其海军建设效仿当时海上强国英国。“新陆军属于长州藩;新海军属于萨摩藩。两个藩都想要展现强大的武器。”(P100)随着现代化的一步步深入,日本民间力量也日渐成长起来,要求宪政的呼声越来越高,使得掌握权力的诸藩主们也不得不予以回应,在此情势下,1889年,日本颁布一部新宪法。新宪法为日本建立宪政提供了一个文本,然而新宪法的起草者恰恰就是来自拥有实力的地方藩的官员,如伊藤博文,“首领们在宪法中加入保留他们真正的权力的条款,而草民们也满足于这些舶来的装饰品”(P101)。在新宪法中为地方实力诸藩主赋予了两个保护条款,成为其“打击民间领袖建立代议和民主政府的工具”,两个保护条款“一个是陆军和海军某些将领有权不必通过首相和内阁而‘直达’天皇天听。这个机制可以让军事领袖在文官领袖不知情之下,由天皇批准订定计划和政策。另外一个是陆军大臣和海军大臣必须由军事将领出任。根据这个机制,如果文官领袖制定的政策不为军事领袖所喜的话,陆军大臣或海军大臣提出辞呈,以没有人接受空出的职位来强迫内阁总辞,直至新内阁提出的政策被军方批准后,新的内阁才能组成。”(P101)在国会考虑海军扩张第二阶段的预算计划时,因国会搁置,引致海军大臣的强烈炮轰,最终国会解散,但第二会期议事依旧无法通过,此时海军部便利用宪法保护条款直达天皇天听,使得海军扩军计划顺利通过。纵观海军发展史,扩军还是非常成功的,“第一阶段的扩军,于1894年打败了中国;第二阶段的扩军,于1905年打败俄国。从此以后,日本实力日益壮大。”(P102)因民间力量的崛起使得海军扩军计划在1920年代有所迟滞,这段时期,民间领袖变得越来越难控制,对统治部落首领的特权构成挑战,进入20世纪后,藩主势力逐渐衰落,而“有经验和能干的领袖们从民间崛起。到了1920年代,代议政府有了进一步发展。”(P102) 1920年代日本代议制有所发展的重要事情是,1918年原敬内阁成立,标志着政党政府逐渐登上政治舞台;1922年日本参与节制海军军备的华盛顿会议;1930年参与节制海军军备的伦敦海军军缩会议。(P102)然而,尽管老部落首领逐渐老去,但他们所培养起来的保护特权的陆军和海军军官反对建立代议制政府,而文官官僚同样也不赞成代议制,他们“包括代表希望赢得并永久掌握权力的大企业和金融界的官员和政客”(P102)。在这十年中,军方势力不彰,文官政府开始主导政局走向,而“日本大资本家和大企业家通过许多他们控制的政府官员和两个政党,加大了权力”,社会舆论的变化也反映了这一取向,海军军官不在被视为日本姑娘的好丈夫,而“大事业”的儿子们才是。官商的结盟,在大资本家和大企业的实力不断壮大的同时,农民的生活条件却大幅下滑,而大部分日本军人都招自农民,参军成为一种谋生手段。1920年代,“少壮军人”在沉默中痛恨不已,他们对文官政府削减军备,对外的“妥协”,官商勾结,大赚其钱,农民却日渐背上沉重的债务,而青年军官把其看作自己人,加之文官试图削弱宪法中军人保有权力的条款,这一切让他们感觉文官政府实在是糟透了,错误达到罄竹难书的地步,“政府和政客贪污;资本家和政客勾结图利,包括剥削老百姓;政府期望和衰退的英国和追求奢华的美国修好;日渐增长的‘国际主义’将削弱天皇和他的军队的权力。”(P103)面对此种情势,少壮军人绝不会坐以待毙,看着自身的势力受到压制,他们决定采取非常手段扭转政治走向,希图主导日本政坛。
  日本军方内部分并非铁板一块,“九一八事变”之后,日本政坛有两个法西斯派别围绕统治阶层,不断争夺政治领导权,即“皇道派”和“统制派”,前者醉心于暗杀政敌、消灭财阀,主张通过政变推翻内阁,以建立法西斯独裁统治;后者则主张依靠财阀,利用军部控制内阁,无须通过政变即可实现法西斯独裁。“少壮军人”这个词通常代表暴戾好斗的少佐和中佐们,“他们经常自行采取激烈行动,以强迫保守分子迅速走向他们认为正确的侵略路线。”(P98)“少壮军人”深受国家主义思想的支配,行为颇为“激进”,“九一八事变”就是由“少壮军人”制造的。在此事件中,张学良的东北军予以消极应对,极大地降低了日本对中国实力的估计,温和派的文官政府因对中国试图采取有节制的举措,在政争中处于被动地位,相反,“少壮军人”则增强了其在国内政治舞台的话语力量,尽管几任首相曾试图控制“少壮军人”的“激进”,但在用暗杀、企图暗杀,或恐吓之下,“少壮军人”的势力不断加强,在通往权力之路上的阻力越来越小,以致最终形成“少壮军人”主导日本政局的局面,在此境况下,和平解决中日冲突的希望彻底破灭,最终向了全面战争。这里有必要说明一下日本海军与陆军的区别。“比起陆军,海军整体上似乎比较理性,比较负责任。海军的青年军官们还没有像陆军‘少壮军人’那样被煽动卷入暗杀的阴谋。海军还没有仿效陆军企图取得控制政府的权力。”(P109)高宗武在回忆录给出的分析是,海军人员较之于陆军其视野更宽阔,见识更广泛,因此在考虑事情时更少受情绪思维的左右,“直到侵略满洲,陆军大都局限于日本国界之内。日本海军则亲眼看到西方列强海军的实力,因此比较不那么相信那些被沙文主义领袖们煽的火热的陆军‘少壮军人’的激进说法。”(P109)概因海军处事相对更为理性,所以日本曾试图用海军将领来充任首相,以抑制陆军的“激进”主张。然而,由于日本参与军缩会议,致使海军内部逐渐分化,随着陆军对华战争初期中的表现,赢得了日本国内民众的拥戴,而海军则相形见绌,嫉妒之心渐起,这对太平洋战争的引发无疑起到了某种作用。在对支配日本政局走向的权力角逐游戏中,因陆军中“少壮军人”的“激进”主张在法西斯政权封闭的社会中,极易蛊惑民众,而其暗杀、恐吓等手段做的更为极致,使得陆军成为左右日本政坛的一个极为重要的力量,“从1931年‘九一八事变’到1941年10月东条出任首相,内阁更换了12次。其中六次直接因为陆军的不满而垮台,其他五次垮台的间接原因为陆军撤销支持。唯一的例外是近卫的第三届内阁,他是因为日本决定进攻美国和英国,而依照传统必须更换内阁而辞职的。”(P142)随着战争局势的变动,日本内阁组织的变动也极为频繁,而透过内阁阁员的构成我们也能看到陆海军两支军方势力之间的政争及社会力量对政局影响的升落起伏。不过对于海陆军的差异也不能过于夸大,如高宗武在书中所言:“在珍珠港事变以前,外国人一直认为日本海军比陆军‘文明’。可是我们已经看到长谷川清海军大将于1937年8月蛮横地把中日战争从华北扩大到上海,我们看到野村和米内的极致政治操弄。海军多年来接受的灌输其实与陆军是一样的,虽然他们不那么轻易接受,但最终还是接受了。”(P184)
  透过高宗武对当时日本国内状况的描述,有一点值得引起我们的注意:20世纪藩主的势力逐渐衰落,而文官官僚并没能在推进代议制上有所表现,相反,却成为大企业和金融界的代理人,官商勾结,大赚其钱,贪污腐败横行,社会分化不断加剧,农民生活大幅度下降,而大部分日本军人都招募自农民,青年军官则把农民视为自己人,加之,随着日本实力的不断崛起,引起列强间实力均衡格局发展变动,欧美等国对日本作出限制,其时的日本政府当局也参与限制军备的一系列国际会议,引起军部的不满,一些青年军官认为,文官政府不仅在解决国内民生问题方面无所作为,致使农民生活水平下降,社会分化加剧,政府自身又贪污横行,官商勾结剥夺农民,又无力扩张日本的实力范围,打破欧美诸国对日本的限制,对外表现软弱,所以“少壮军人”就打着类似“外争国权,内争民权”的旗号,反对文官政府,“少壮军人”的“民粹”主张在日本国内引起很多下层民众的追随,“激进”的“少壮军人”不断给文官政府施加压制,并通过采取“激进”的对内暗杀、恐吓文官人员,对外挑起事端、制造矛盾等方式,把日本一步步拖入了战争的泥潭,以致无法自拔,“他们相信只有他们是对的,只有他们正确理解日本的‘精神’和日本的‘命运’,只有他们认识英国和美国如何没准备好战争、如何软弱”(P148)。他们以自我意志裹挟了日本几千万民众,拿日本的前途当作赌注,他们赌输了,既给给日本民族,亦给世界民众带来沉痛的灾难,其间的教训值得我们当代人的思考和警惕!
  当前中国正处于社会转型期,实现了从全能主义向后全能主义国家的过渡,然而,也承继了全能主义时期需多的历史遗产,如国家权力依旧强大,公民社会发育严重不足,因而政府的权力受到的制约非常有限。在全能主义时期,或可凭籍意识形态和运动式反腐等方式予以限制,亦因实行计划经济,以权力来牟利的机会不是很多,所以相对改革之后而言,腐败状况不是很严重。我们的市场经济制度是经由国家权力的引导而得以确立的,政商关系颇为紧密,形成“你中有我,我中有你”的局面,因是之故,权力的牟利空间就大大增强,腐败现象就比较严重,加之,转型期政府权力运作不规范,导致侵犯民众权利的现象经常发生,民众对政府有所不满自不待言。不惟如此,受传统教育的灌输约制,在媒体自由度相对受限的情势下,国内民众对外部信息接触有限,再加上中国近代以来所受到百年灾难,所以很容易激起民众对国外的敌对情绪,与此同时,中国经济的迅速发展带来国家实力的增强,这无疑也助长了国民“虚骄民族主义”的心态,随着而这种情绪极易被一些别有所图的政治势力所利用。当年日本国内在“外争国权,内争民权”这一极具蛊惑下的口号动员下,法西斯势力逐渐取得政坛的主导权,而温和派文官则失势,这种政争的结果,给日本和世界人民所带来的灾难,历史虽已逝去,但其间的教训值得反思!
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